Now, this is a very rare moment indeed but, perhaps for the first time, I actually agree with a Conservative Minister about something – and David Willets, no less.
Willets was quoted in a 1 April story in the Daily Mail entitled ‘ Tory minister: Feminism widened poverty gap and set social mobility back decades’ as saying:
“One of the things that happened over that period was that the entirely admirable transformation of opportunities for women meant that with a lot of the expansion of education in the 60s, 70s and 80s, the first beneficiaries were the daughters of middle-class families who had previously been excluded from educational opportunities.
“And if you put that with what is called assortative mating – that well-educated women marry well-educated men – this transformation of opportunities for women ended up magnifying social divides rather than narrowing them…
“I think it certainly widened the gap in household incomes because you suddenly had two-earner couples, both of whom were well educated, compared with often workless households where nobody was educated.
“So I do personally think that the feminist revolution in its first-round effects, was probably the key factor. Feminism trumped egalitarianism.”
There were, predictably, howls of derision from Yvette Cooper of my very own Labour Party, who claimed that “the idea that working women are responsible for persistent child poverty or youth unemployment in disadvantaged areas is just shocking”. Sadly, however, this is merely a fig leaf to hide Labour’s embarrassing record on social mobility and its deliberate strategy in power of making social and economic egalitarianism subordinate to the liberal inteligenisia’s obsession with an approach to ‘equalities’ that gave no thought to class inequality.

I know it's hard to believe, but this Tory Minister is actually right about something!
Willetts’ assertion that “feminism trumped egalitarianism” highlights perfectly the fact that, without polices designed to improve social mobility, workplace equality between the sexes has merely led to a tier of high earners drawn entirely from the middle class, with working class women continuing to enjoy negligible benefits of the equality legislation. This is, undeniably, an accurate picture of how the workplace has evolved over the past 40 years; though it is more accurate to say that what actually happened was that ‘bourgeois feminism trumped egalitarianism’.
If you create the circumstances in which highly-educated middle class women are encouraged to enter the labour market, without implementing policies to improve social mobility, the working class men that used to progress in the workplace in spite of their lack of education will be squeezed out, which is what’s happened. This is not a normative statement but one rooted in the economics of the labour market.
The situation is analogous to ‘all women shortlists’ in the Labour Party. While these lists have, quite rightly, increased the number of female Labour MPs, their lack of mechanisms to ensure that the lists are socially and economically representative of the party’s base has resulted in well-connected, expensively educated, middle class women dominating the selection process. The consequence of this is, of course, that the ideological difference between a PLP dominated by middle class men and a PLP dominated by middle class men and women is imperceptible – the same is true for broader society.
What Willetts has highlighted – somewhat uncomfortably for the unreconstructed New Labour sect – is that there are limits to the level of ‘fairness’ that sex equality, race equality, and disability equality legislation can deliver. Yes, it can make the workplace appear superficially ‘representative’ but if, because of a failure to eradicate class inequality, it merely opens up opportunities for middle class women, middle class BME people, and middle class people with disabilities, social mobility will remain low.
The answer, of course, isn’t to abolish workplace equality legislation, which has sent out a very strong message to employers that their workforce should reflect the society around them, but to implement the kind of supply-side policies that improve social mobility; that way you can ensure that the workplace is both representative and fair.
The first step towards achieving this – but by no means the only, since social mobility does not guarantee greater income equality – is the abolition of private education, which ensures that just 6% of any educational cohort goes on to occupy between 60%-80% of the top jobs in any given industry (with a couple of notable exceptions, such as professional sport). Somehow, I don’t think David Willetts will be calling for such radical measures any time soon.